8th annual African Movie Academy Awards (AMAA) & List Of Winners

Popular Ghanaian actor Majid Michel and Nigerian Nollywood starRita Dominic last night clinched the top prizes as ‘Africa’s best’ in the world of movies as they walked away with the ‘Best Actor’ and ‘Best Actress’ awards at the 2012 edition of the African Movie Academy Awards (AMAA).

Majid picked up the coveted award for his lead role in the 2011 movie ‘Somewhere In Africa’ while the ever radiant-looking Dominic won the ‘Best Actress’ award for her lead role in the movie ‘Shattered’ beating the likes of Nse Ikpe-Etim, Uche Jombo and Yvonne Okoro.

The biggest win of the night however went to the South African movie ‘How to Steal 2 Million’ which bagged four awards, the highest of the night. Directed by Charlie Vundla, the movie bagged the awards for ‘Best Film’, ‘Best Actress in a Supporting Role’, ‘Best Actor in a Supporting Role’ and ‘Best Director’.

Lancelot Oduwa Imaseun’s ‘Adesuwa’ followed closely winning three awards which includes ‘Best Nigerian Film’. Kunle Afolayan’s ‘Phone Swap’ wasn’t left out as it won the ‘Achievement in Production Design’ award while Akin Omotoso won the ‘Special Jury’ award for ‘Man on the Ground’.

The awards which was held at the Expo Hall of the Eko Hotel and Suites was attended by a host of Nollywood actors, movie practitioners and industry players including Actors’ Guild of Nigeria (AGN) president Segun Arinze, former AGN boss Ejike Asiegbu, Tee-Mac, Florence Ita-Giwa, Airtel Chairman Oba Otudeko and many others.

The show was hosted by Haitian-born Jimmy Jean-Louis and Nigerian actor OC Ukeje.

Hollywood stars present at the show include Morris Chestnut, Lynn Whitfield, Maya Gilbert andRockmond Dumbar.

Check out the full list below…

AMAA 2012 BEST SHORT FILM

Braids On Bald Head – Nigeria - Winner

JAMAA – Uganda

Look Again – Kenya

Maffe Tiga – Guinea

Hidden Life – South Africa

Mwansa The Great – Zimbabwe

Chumo – Tanzania

The Young Smoker – Nigeria

AMAA 2012 BEST DOCUMENTARY

African Election – Nigeria / Germany – Winner

Beyond The Deadly Pit – Rwanda

Awa Ogbe An African Adventure – Algeria

Dear Mandella – South Africa

White & Black, Crime And Colour – Tanzania

The Niger Delta Struggle – Ghana

There Is Nothing Wrong With My Uncle – Nigeria

How Much Is Too Much – Kenya

AMAA 2012 BEST DIASPORA FEATURE

Toussanat Louverture – France – Winner

Ghetta Life – Jamaica

High Chicago – Canada

Elza – Guadelupe

Better Must Come – Jamaica

Kinyanrwanda – USA

AMAA 2012 BEST DIASPORA DOCUMENTARY

The Education of Auma Obama – Germany – Winner

White Wash – USA

Almendron Mi Corazon – Guadeloupe

All Me The Life And Times Of Winfred Hubert – USA

AMAA 2012 BEST DIASPORA (SHORT FILM)

White Sugar In A Black Pot – USA-Winner

John Doe – USA

The Lost One – USA

AMAA 2012 BEST ANIMATION

The Legend Of Ngog Hills – Kenya - Winner

Oba – Nigeria

Climate Change Is Real – Kenya

Egu – South Africa

Chomoka – Kenya

AMAA 2012 BEST FILM BY AN AFRICAN LIVING ABROAD

Mystery Of Birds – USA / Nigeria – WinnerHousemates – United Kingdom / Nigeria

Ben Kross – Italy / Nigeria

Paparezzi Eye In The Dark – USA / Nigeria / Ghana

AMAA 2012 ACHIEVEMENT IN PRODUCTION DESIGN

Phone Swap – Nigeria- Winner

Somewhere In Africa – Ghana

Otelo Burning – South Africa

Adesuwa – Nigeria

How To Steal 2 Million – South Africa

AMAA 2012 ACHIEVEMENT IN COSTUME DESIGN

Adesuwa – Nigeria – WinnerThe Captain Of Nakara

Rugged Priest – Kenya

Somewhere In Africa – Ghana

Queens Desire

AMAA 2012 ACHIEVEMENT IN MAKE-UP

Shattered – Kenya – Winner

Rugged Priest – Kenya

State Research Bureau – Uganda

Adesuwa – Nigeria

Somewhere in Africa – Ghana

AMAA 2012 ACHIEVEMENT IN SOUNDTRACK

Alero’s Symphony – Nigeria – Winner

Otelo Burning – South Africa

Adesuwa – Nigeria

How To Steal 2 Million – South Africa

Somewhere In Africa – Ghana

AMAA 2012 ACHIEVEMENT IN VISUAL EFFECTS

Adesuwa – Nigeria – Winner

Behind The Mask

Somewhere In Africa – Ghana

State Research Bureau – Uganda

Otelo Burning – South Africa 

AMAA 2012 ACHIEVEMENT IN SOUND

State Of Violence – South Africa – Winner

Otelo Burning – South Africa

How To Steal 2 Million – South Africa

Man On Ground – South Africa

Algiers Murder – South Africa

AMAA 2012 ACHIEVEMENT IN CINEMATOGRAPHY

Othelo Burning – South Africa - Winner

How To Steal 2 Million – South Africa

Rugged Priest – Kenya

Masquerades – Ghana

Man On Ground – South Africa / Nigeria 

AMAA 2012 ACHIEVEMENT IN EDITING

How To Steal 2 Million – South Africa – Winner

Algiers Murder – South Africa

Man On Ground – South Africa / Nigeria

Unwanted Guest – Nigeria

Otelo Burning – South Africa

Alero’s Symphony – Nigeria

AMAA 2012 ACHIEVEMENT IN SCREENPLAY

Ties That Bind – Ghana – WinnerMr & Mrs – Nigeria

How To Steal 2 Million – South Africa

Otelo Burning – South Africa

Unwanted Guest – Nigeria

Two Brides And A Baby – Nigeria

AMAA 2012 BEST NIGERIAN FILM

Adesuwa – Winner

Unwanted Guest

Family On Fire

Alero’s Symphony

Phone Swap 

AMAA 2012 BEST FILM IN AN AFRICAN LANGUAGE

State Of Violence – South Africa – WinnerChumo – Tanzania

Family On Fire – Nigeria

Otelo Burning – South Africa

Asoni – Cameroun

AMAA 2012 BEST CHILD ACTOR

Tsepang Mohlomi (Ntwe) – Otelo Burning – WinnerRahman Junior Bande (Greg) – Behind The Mask

Reginna Danies (Jenny) – Bank Job

Benjamin Abemigisha and Racheal Nduhukire (Derick and Margaret) – JAMAA

Ayinla O Abdulaheem – ZR-7

AMAA 2012 BEST YOUNG / PROMISING ACTOR

Ivie Okujaye (Alero) – Alero’s Symphony – WinnerNeo Ntatleno (OJ) – State Of Violence

Iyobosa Olaye (Adesuwa) – Adesuwa

Martha Ankomah – Somewhere In Africa

Thomas Gumede and Sihle Xaba – Otelo Burning

AMAA 2012 BEST ACTOR IN A SUPPORTING ROLE

Fano Mokoena – Man On Ground – WinnerRapuldna Seiphemo (Twala) – How To Steal 2 Million

Hafiz Oyetoro – Phone Swap

Okechukwu Uzoesi – Two Brides And A Baby

Godfrey Theobejane – 48

Lwanda Jawar – Rugged Priest

AMAA 2012 BEST ACTRESS IN A SUPPORTING ROLE

Terry Phetto – How To Steal 2 Million – WinnerEbbe Bassey – Ties That Bind

Empress Njamah – Bank Job

Ngozi Ezeonu – Adesuwa

Thelma Okoduwa – Mr & Mrs

Omotola Jalade Ekeinde – Ties That Bind

AMAA 2012 BEST ACTOR IN A LEADING ROLE

Majid Micheal – Somewhere In Africa – WinnerMenzi Ngubane – How To Steal 2 Million

Chet Anekwe – Unwanted Guest

Jafta Mamabolo – Otelo Burning

Karabo Lance – 48

Wale Ojo – Phone Swap

Hakeem Kae-Kazim – Man On Ground

AMAA 2012 BEST ACTRESS IN A LEADING ROLE

Rita Dominic – Shattered – Winner

Nse Ikpe Etim – Mr & Mrs

Yvonne Okoro – Single Six

Ama K. Abebrese – Ties That Bind

Uche Jombo – Damage

Millicent Makheido – 48

Kudzai Sevenzo-Nyarai – Playing Warriors

AMAA 2012 BEST DIRECTOR

How To Steal 2 Million – Charlie Vundla – WinnerAdesuwa – Lancelot Oduwa Imaseun

Ties That Bind – Leila Djansi

Rugged Priest – Bob Nyanja

State Of Violence – Khalo Matabane

Man On Ground – Akin Omotoso

Otelo Burning – Sara Bletcher

AMAA 2012 PRIZE FOR BEST FILM

How To Steal 2 Million – South Africa – Winner

State Of Violence – South Africa

Adesuwa – Nigeria

Otelo Burning – South Africa

Rugged Priest – Kenya

Ties That Bind – Ghana

Man On Ground – South Africa / Nigeria

Upheaval in West Africa: Could Nigeria Be Next?

The recent coups in Guinea-Bissau and Mali raise question regarding whether radical political change will sweep other parts of west and sub-Saharan Africa. The region is of course no stranger to dramatic and frequent political change, with 26 successful coups have occurred between 1963 and 2000. While the past decade has been quiet by comparison, recent events in Guinea-Bissau and Mali appear to indicate a rising propensity for the region's militaries to reassert power at the expense of democracy.

In Mali, the Tuareg have maintained a fierce sense of independence despite numerous peace agreements having been signed with the government -- most recently in 2008. Ongoing grievances over the lack of investment and perpetual military involvement in the North have created underlying tension that prompted a mutiny by the armed forces which spiraled into the coup. Mali's military capitalized on the instability that is inherent in any fragmented state, but the ease with which it was able to sweep into power is a concern, as it represents the clear failure of a structural foundation to support the country's nascent democracy. So many Malians had become disenchanted with their country's political system and widespread corruption that the initial attempts to visit Mali by West African leaders following the coup were rebuffed by sympathetic crowds.

Guinea-Bissau's situation is somewhat different, the country having experienced at least six political assassinations and three attempted coups over the past three years -- making it by far the most coup prone country in Africa. Although a connection between events in Mali and Guinea-Bissau is perhaps therefore tenuous, it is a reminder (as if one were needed) that political change is an ever-present component of the landscape in many parts of Africa.

Having a democratic tradition spanning 32 years, Mali would not appear to be the most obvious contender for non-democratic change, but the rapid collapse of the government indicates that simply paying lip service to democracy will not prevent political upheaval. While the dramatic change of government in Libya may have contributed to the coup in Mali, events in both Guinea-Bissau and Mali remind us how fragile democracy in many West African states is. A combination of populations divided ethnically and/or religiously, weak central government control, and rising disillusionment by a greater percentage of citizens -- who object to rampant corruption and a failure on the part of the central government to deliver basic needs -- reinforces underlying fragility. And given that these fragile democracies often coexist with militaries who are underpaid and also disillusioned, it comes as no surprise that perceived security threats are often used as an excuse to promote political change.

So what does all this imply for Nigeria? Since the unification of Northern and Southern Nigeria in 1914, the country has long struggled to create a cohesive national identity. As a result of the inherent ethnic and religious tension between north and south, the Salafist movement Boko Haram (BH) has recently made its presence felt through a series of attacks on a variety of targets in the north. Since the movement's birth in 2003 it has maintained opposition to a secular government in Abuja, with the aim of making the country ungovernable. BH has changed its strategy -- moving away from attacking security forces and focusing instead on attempting to inflame existing sectarian tensions by targeting civilians. This is a particularly worrisome development considering the volatility of Nigeria's ethnic and religious fault lines.

Although much of the violence occurs along ethnic and religious lines, many of the underlying grievances that BH have been able to exploit revolve around perceived inequality between the north and south, especially regarding who is (and is not) benefiting from the nation's oil wealth. Despite Nigeria's booming economy -- with growth rates ranging between 5.4 percent and 7.9 percent from 2005 to 2010 -- the central government has failed to distribute oil revenues equitably. During the same period, the number of people living in absolute poverty actually rose, with those in the north faring worse than their southern counterparts. Similar to Mali, Nigeria has struggled to integrate the north of the country economically, resulting in further polarization along religious and ethnic lines.

Political relations in the country have also worsened since President Jonathon decided to break the implicit agreement he made with the country's political groups that leadership would rotate between northern and southern candidates every two terms. As he now attempts to push through a host of reformist policies the president faces strong opposition from influential northern politicians. Both Babangida and Gusau -- who vied with Jonathon for PDP leadership in the 2011 election -- have the potential to seriously undermine his government if they cannot find common ground. Concessions would most likely come from revisions to the Petroleum Industry Bill, the manner in which the Sovereign Wealth Fund operates, and, ultimately, granting amnesty to relatively moderate BH members. While such concessions would be damaging to Jonathan's reformist agenda, they would also likely result in a significant erosion of political support for BH.

This presents Jonathon with a serious conundrum: BH presently benefits from grass root support in the north of the country and its current campaign to raise sectarian tension is leaving the government in an increasingly weakened position. Given the rising potential for serious civil strife in the future, Nigeria's military may believe it has no choice but to intervene in the political process. Unfortunately for Jonathon, one of the most viable strategies for subduing the BH threat is to make concessions to northern political elites, but doing so runs the risk of jeopardizing long overdue progress against corruption and how the country's oil wealth is managed, which themselves are key to improving the governance and thus the stability of the country.

While the coups in Guinea-Bissau and Mali may not have immediate ramifications for Nigeria, the government would be smart to bear them in mind as it grapples with its plethora of problems. Maintaining strained relations across disparate regions is no recipe for a secure democracy, and in an ever shrinking world there is no telling when an external event may suddenly alter the balance -- as returning Tuareg fighters did in Mali. With its own pockmarked history of military juntas, Nigeria is of course no stranger to coups, and while the professionalization of its military and the country's rising prominence internationally would appear to make a coup less likely, the threat BH poses cannot be overlooked.

If BH achieves its aim of making Nigeria ungovernable, any outcome suddenly becomes conceivable, given Nigeria's modern political history. Preventing BH from exploiting sectarian tension is therefore paramount, but shoring up the support of northern political figures while driving through a reformist agenda will be no easy task. How resilient Nigeria will be to a future coup depends on whether president Jonathon is able to balance these two objectives. It is important to remember that Nigeria's return to democracy was only a dozen years ago. Given Nigeria's tumultuous political history, the propensity of its military to seize power, and the nature of current political change in North and West Africa, many Nigerians must be wishing their own democratic political foundation was a bit more entrenched.

Daniel Wagner is CEO of Country Risk Solutions, a cross-border risk consulting firm based in Connecticut (USA), Director of Global Strategy with the PRS Group, and author of the new book Managing Country Risk (www.managingcountryrisk.com).

Joshua Wallace is a research analyst with CRS.

Joshua can be followed on Twitter at: http://twitter.com/JLP_Wallace

Follow Daniel Wagner on Twitter: www.twitter.com/countryriskmgmt

“Eni Saipem recruiting in 8 Positions” plus 8 more

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• Achieving Health Nigeria Initiative (AHNi) recruiting
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• SOFTWARE DEVELOPERS WANTED
• Reputable Hospital in lagos recruiting
• Consulting Firm Recruiting Programmer
• Electro-Mechanical Engineering Company recruiting in several Positions

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